The Punjabi Suba movement

After 1947 the Akali Dal demanded a state within India whose official language would be Punjabi in Gurmukhi. The States Reorganisation Commission of 1955 rejected it, on the ground that Punjabi and Hindi were not sufficiently distinct and that the demand was religious rather than linguistic.

The census of 1951 and 1961 recorded large numbers of Punjabi-speaking Hindus in the province returning Hindi as their mother tongue, after a campaign by Hindu organisations urging them to do so. That is the single fact that made the linguistic case impossible to argue cleanly, and it is the fact most often left out.

Morchas were run through the 1950s and 1960s with tens of thousands of arrests. Sant Fateh Singh and Master Tara Singh both undertook fasts. The Akali Dal split over method more than once.

The Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966 divided the state three ways. Haryana was created, the hill districts went to Himachal Pradesh, and Punjab was left with about two fifths of its 1956 area. Chandigarh, built as the new capital after Lahore was lost, was made a union territory shared as capital by both states.

The river waters and Chandigarh were left unresolved in 1966 and are unresolved now. Every Punjab agitation since has had those two items in it.

The Sachar formula of 1949 split the state into a Punjabi speaking zone and a Hindi speaking zone for school instruction and satisfied nobody. The Regional Formula of 1956 tried again with two regional committees inside one assembly. Both were arrangements for not answering the question.

Master Tara Singh fasted in 1961 and broke it without the demand being met, which cost him the leadership. Sant Fateh Singh fasted in 1965 and the announcement came the year after. What changed between those two dates was a war with Pakistan fought largely on Punjab's ground and with Punjab's soldiers.

The Act of 1966 left the Bhakra Beas works and the headworks outside the new state's control, gave the capital to neither state, and set up separate machinery for allocating the rivers. Every one of those is a live dispute now, and every one of them was a deferral rather than a decision.

What we don't know

  • The scale of the mother-tongue campaign's effect on the census returns, which has been estimated but not measured.

Where to check this

  1. Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966. India Code - full text of central and state legislation ↗
  2. Census of India language returns, 1951 and 1961. Census of India 2011 - Punjab district census handbooks ↗

Named but not linked. These are real, findable documents. This project has not consulted them for this page.

  • Report of the States Reorganisation Commission, 1955.

This page has not yet been read through by the editor. Treat it with more caution than the rest.

How this page was written. The text is compiled from the standard published histories and reference works, not from a document held in hand. Nobody from this project has visited the place or read the archive. The list above is where a reader can go to check it, not a record of what was consulted line by line. Dates and figures are the received account. If you hold something better, write in and it will be corrected.

This is one of 220 accounts in When the Water Went, the chapter of this site covering Punjab since 1947: land, water, debt and everything after.