The tractor

Punjab has among the highest tractor densities in India and by a wide margin more tractors than its farm sizes can economically justify. A holding of two hectares does not need its own tractor and a great many two-hectare holdings have one.

The reasons are status, credit availability, and the fact that a tractor is the most visible thing a farming family can own. Tractor loans are a documented component of rural indebtedness.

It also did real work: it replaced bullocks entirely within about twenty years, which ended the haveli, the fodder economy for draught animals, the bullock cart, the Persian wheel and the village blacksmith's main trade.

Custom hiring and cooperative machinery banks have been promoted for decades as the alternative and have not displaced individual ownership.

In 2020 and 2021 the tractor and trolley became the vehicle of a political movement, driving from Punjab villages to the borders of Delhi and staying there for a year. Nobody who saw the trolleys converted into insulated shelters will read the ownership figures the same way again.

Punjab has the highest tractor density in India and a large share of the machines are far larger than the holdings they work, which is a statement about status as much as about farming.

The purchase is financed and the tractor is the standard object of rural credit. A great deal of Punjab's farm debt is machinery debt rather than crop debt.

It also became a political instrument. The tractor march is the standard form of Punjabi agrarian protest and the 2020 and 2021 protests moved on them by the thousand.

What we don't know

  • Utilisation rates for individually owned tractors, which are low and not measured.

Where to check this

Named but not linked. These are real, findable documents. This project has not consulted them for this page.

  • Punjab agriculture department machinery statistics.
  • Farm indebtedness surveys naming machinery loans.

This page has not yet been read through by the editor. Treat it with more caution than the rest.

How this page was written. The text is compiled from the standard published histories and reference works, not from a document held in hand. Nobody from this project has visited the place or read the archive. The list above is where a reader can go to check it, not a record of what was consulted line by line. Dates and figures are the received account. If you hold something better, write in and it will be corrected.

This is one of 220 accounts in When the Water Went, the chapter of this site covering Punjab since 1947: land, water, debt and everything after.